Melody in Prison: Ngawang Choephel
	UPDATE 11 March 1999

Opening Statement of Chairman Benjamin A. Gilman

The hearing will come to order. I want to welcome our new Special Coordinator Tibet, Ms. Julia Taft. We have worked with her through her many incarnations at the State Department and Interaction and we look forward to continuing our warm and productive relationship. I also want to welcome in the audience Mr. Pema Chhinjor, a Cabinet Member of the Dalai Lama's government in exile and Mr. Dawa Tsering, the Dalai Lama's representative to the United States in New York.

Yesterday, the 40th anniversary of the Tibetan uprising and the Dalai Lama's flight into exile was a solemn occasion for all of us. It has been almost 50 years since China invaded Tibet in 1949. During that time the world has witnessed the sad and almost total destruction of Tibet's unique culture and religion, and has done precious little to end the extraordinary repression.

Beijing's final solution is its current policy of population transfer that has resulted in Tibetans becoming a minority in their own country. Despite bi-partisan Congressional concern stretching over several Administrations, right to the present day, legislation and resolutions have only slightly tempered the State Department's misguided China policy.

In 1990, the Congress directed the Director of the United States Information Agency to provide Voice of America Tibetan language programming to the people of Tibet. In 1991, the Congress adopted a resolution expressing the sense of Congress that Tibet is an occupied country whose true representative is the Dalai Lama and the Tibetan Government-in-Exile. In 1997, under Congressional pressure, the State Department named a Special Coordinator for Tibet.

As a result of this and many other Congressional actions, and the overwhelming support of the American public, the issue of Tibet was discussed last summer at the meeting in Beijing between President Clinton and the leaders of China, and a signal was sent to the Dalai Lama that negotiations were possible. Regrettably, even though His Holiness has met Beijing's demand to state that Tibet is a part of China, as far as Members of this Committee know, very little has occurred in the form of negotiations.

What is now missing among senior American foreign policy makers is an understanding that the issue of Tibet is not only one of immense human rights violations; Tibet is also of great strategic concern to us. It is a country the size of western Europe that covers most of India's nothern border.

China's occupation of Tibet makes it in Beijing's interest to stoke the flames between India and Pakistan by supplying Pakistan, on India's western border, with nuclear and ballistic weapons technology. Beijing's unwavering support for Pakistan was one significant reason that India tested nuclear weapons.

Resolving the crisis facing Tibet will not only serve to ease the repression and save a unique people and their religion and culture, it also will have ramifications for half of the world's population by helping to defuse a possible nuclear conflict in the region.

Last Saturday, the New York Times reported that China stole nuclear weapons technology from the United States. Last year it was reported that, with the help of U.S. communications companies, China obtained ballistic missile technology that will enable the People's Liberation Army to fit a number of small nuclear warheads on a single missile.

The Administration's emphasis on trade, to the exclusion of other important issues, has contributed to this undermining of American security. But its trade policy with China has been no more successful. It has led to the loss of thousands of American jobs and a trade deficit that is now around S60 billion a year. Moreover, and regrettably, the Administration's human rights policy towards China has created serious questions about U.S. moral authority.

Today the House votes on a measure adopted by our Committee urging the Administration to sponsor a resolution at the UN criticizing Beijing's human rights violations in China and Tibet. If the Administration does sponsor a resolution in Geneva, it would give the American people some hope that perhaps it has started to rethink a China policy that has been misguided and has been a disaster.

It would also answer some of the prayers of those brave Chinese and Tibetan democracy advocates who are struggling against the brutal dictatorship in Beijing.

Prepared Statement of Julia V. Taft
Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues

Mr. Chairman and members of the Committee, I appreciate the opportunity to testify before you today on Tibet. I also am grateful the committee was able to arrange the timing of this hearing so I could participate. It is an honor and a privilege to have been appointed by Secretary Albright to serve as Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues. I note that this hearing comes at a particularly historic and somber time for the Tibetan community given yesterday's remembrance of the 40th Anniversary of the uprising in Tibet and His Holiness the Dalai Lama's flight into exile, where he remains today.

As most of you know, I am also the Assistant Secretary of State for Population, Refugees, and Migration. While I am not a China expert, I am no stranger to dealing with people who have fled from oppressive circumstances, having worked on refugee issues for the past 25 years. In fact, my Bureau has long supported Tibetan refugee programs in Nepal and India.

The main objectives of the Office of the Special Coordinator for Tibetan Issues are two-fold. First, to actively promote a substantive and direct dialogue between the Chinese Government, and the Dalai Lama or his representatives. While not intending to serve as a mediator, I will actively pursue all avenues to encourage that such a dialogue takes place. Secondly, I will seek to identify opportunities to help preserve Tibet's unique religious, cultural, and linguistic heritage. In addition to traditional diplomatic efforts, I will work to encourage targeted assistance–bilaterally; multilaterally; through foundations and NGOs; and even from the business community. Through these mechanisms I will work to enhance the progress of all Tibetans, and assist them in maintaining their religious and cultural distinctiveness.

I would like to briefly outline for you the U.S policy toward Tibet, describe the current circumstances in Tibet and note developments between the Chinese Government and the Dalai Lama since the creation of the Office of the Special Coordinator, and then talk about my immediate plans.

U.S. Policy

The U.S. Government's policy towards Tibet is consistent with that of the international community as a whole: we view Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) as part of China. In recent years the Dalai Lama has also supported this view publicly stating that he is seeking greater autonomy for Tibet, not independence from China.

Since Tibet is not a sovereign state, we do not conduct diplomatic relations with the representatives of Tibet's Government-in-exile. We do, however, maintain contact with a wide variety of representatives inside and outside China with views on Tibet. We also meet with the Dalai Lama in his capacity as a world religious leader and Nobel Prize recipient. In fact, during his visit in November 1998 to the United States, he met with the President, the Vice President, Secretary of State, and other U.S. Government officials. Embassy Beijing and Consulate General Chengdu staff also visit and report on conditions in Tibet.

Current Situation in Tibet

Since the late 1980's, China has devoted substantial economic resources to Tibet. In spite of these investments, Tibet remains one of China's poorest regions. Illiteracy rates among Tibetans are very high, approximately 40% overall, and up to 80% in some areas. China's economic development policies, fueled in Tibet by central government subsidies, are undermining parts of Tibetan society and changing traditional Tibetan ways of life. Although the Government has made efforts in recent years to restore some of the physical structures and other aspects of Tibetan culture damaged or destroyed in the Cultural Revolution, repressive social and political controls continue to limit the fundamental freedoms of ethnic Tibetans and risk undermining Tibet's unique cultural, linguistic and religious heritage.

China's investment in Tibet's education system has increased, but the benefits have often accrued to Han Chinese whose children attend school in Tibet. Although Tibetan is used exclusively in many primary schools, funding for schools attended primarily by Tibetans is usually inadequate. Another problem is the marginalization of the Tibetan language at the secondary and tertiary levels, where classroom learning is done in Chinese. The Chinese assert the origin of the practice is to make Tibetan children more competitive with ethnic Han children, especially for higher education. Overall, however, this practice has been detrimental to the ethnic-Tibetan population collectively. Meanwhile, thousands of Han Chinese have been drawn to the region where quite often they are given preferential treatment and higher paying positions because of discriminatory employment practices and the importance placed on fluency in the Chinese language.

Reports of widespread human rights abuses continue throughout Tibet as well. As documented in our human rights report, abuses include subjecting Tibetans who have been accused of separatism for the peaceful expression of political and religious views to torture, arbitrary arrest, and detention without public trial.

Most recently, Chinese authorities have enforced tighter restrictions on religious freedom–specifically a campaign launched to reeducate monks and nuns, aimed at controlling the monasteries and expelling supporters of the Dalai Lama in response to the Chinese perception that the monasteries are a focus of "anti-China" separatist activity. A new campaign to promote atheism and the continued ban on pictures of the Dalai Lama are resented and have resulted in violence that has led to the mistreatment and, in several instances, the deaths of monks and nuns. Not only do these practices strike at the very heart of Tibet's distinctive cultural and religious heritage, they also violate Beijing's commitment under international human rights instruments to respect freedom of religion.

In recent years Chinese authorities have taken marginal steps towards addressing some of the ethnic Tibetans' concerns. Tibetans receive preferential treatment along with 54 other minority ethnic groups, in marriage and family planning policies and, to a lesser extent, in University admissions and government employment. Tibetans are represented in the majority of regional government jobs, and in the National People's Congress. However, meaningful political power is exercised by the central government in Beijing.

Since the Creation of the Office of the Tibet Coordinator

During the tenure of my predecessor, Greg Craig, there were some positive signs that there might be a breakthrough in relations between the Dalai Lama and Beijing. During President Clinton's visit to China in June of last year, President Jiang said publicly that he would consider opening a dialogue with the Dalai Lama should he acknowledge that Tibet and Taiwan are inalienable parts of China. President Jiang reinforced this same view to French Prime Minister Jospin in September. The Dalai Lama expressed his willingness to address President Jiang's terms. Just weeks after the Dalai Lama's visit to Washington in November 1998 Vice President Gore met with President Jiang during the Asia-Pacific Economic Conference in Kuala Lumpur and again stressed our hope for dialogue between Beijing and the Dalai Lama. Beijing has not followed up, however, on the Dalai Lama's expressed willingness to address its concerns. It appears that all lines of communication between the Dalai Lama and the Chinese government are now inactive.

The Administration has consistently urged the Chinese government to increase respect for human rights and to engage in a substantive dialogue with the Dalai Lama. Most recently, Secretary Albright reiterated this message with President Jiang and Vice Premier Qian Qichen during her March 1-2 trip to China.

And during the same visit A/S Koh asked for visitation privileges for Ngawang Choepel's elderly mother to visit her son who was sentenced to an 18 year prison term for espionage while making a film on Tibetan performing arts during his visit to Lhasa in 1996. Such visits are permitted under Chinese law and Chinese authorities have indicated that a request by Ngawang Choepel's mother will be considered. We are pressing hard to facilitate such a visit.

Immediate Plans

Since my appointment, I have had the opportunity to have substantive discussions with the Special Envoy to the Dalai Lama in Washington, Lodi Gyari, some Members of Congress, foreign dignitaries, academics, members of the press, NGOs and other government officials. I intend to learn all that I can about this issue so that I can keep this matter at the forefront of all of our U.S.-China bilateral discussions, as well as in the media.

Additionally, I am also exploring ways to improve the lives of Tibetans through culturally appropriate economic and development assistance programs.

I am planning a trip to India, Nepal and Bhutan in June in my Assistant Secretary capacity. I hope to visit Dharmasala at that time to review our refugee assistance program and assess for myself the circumstances on the ground in Dharmsala and the efforts within Nepal to receive and assist Tibetans escaping to India. I have requested a meeting with the Chinese Ambassador in Washington but haven't heard whether he will receive me.

China considers its number one domestic priority to be stability, and this mind-set converts over to its treatment of Tibet. It considers Tibet an internal issue and believes its policies with respect to economic development in Tibet, restrictions on freedom of expression of political and religious views there, and the promotion of Tibetan secular culture are essential to national stability.

However, it is clear that potential for unrest is greater when a majority ethnic/cultural group is denied fundamental rights by political authority. Examples of ethnic strife throughout the world demonstrate that mutual accommodation and protection of minority rights is the best course of action over the long-term, and China is no exception to this rule. As President Clinton has stated, "China cannot purchase stability at the expense of freedom." It is in the Chinese self-interest to defuse tensions in Tibet by engaging in a fruitful discussion with the Dalai Lama. There exists a real opportunity to overcome the longstanding differences between the Chinese and the Tibetans. China has incentive to be responsive to international interest in Tibet within a China which promotes rather than represses social, political and economic freedoms for the Tibetan citizens.

I am hopeful that the interest and commitment shown by this Administration and the Congress will send a strong signal to both the People's Republic of China and the Dalai Lama that differences can and must be settled peacefully, and through constructive dialogue.

My goal as Special Coordinator is to help create an environment of greater trust and understanding. It will not be an easy or simple task, but certainly a worthwhile effort. Not only will Tibetans stand to gain from a better relationship -- the rest of China would benefit as well. Stability would be enhanced by satisfying the needs of China's minority peoples to be secure in their cultural and religious traditions.

In closing, I would like to thank you for this opportunity to testify today. I welcome your comments and suggestions and look forward to working with you on this extremely important issue in the months ahead.